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The brain that changes itself: stories of personal triumph from the frontiers of brain science. byDoidge Borrow this book to access EPUB and PDF files. The Brain That Changes Itself: Stories of Personal Triumph from the Frontiers of Brain Science [ebook] by Norman Doidge (epub/mobi). EPUB: Norman Doidge. "The Brain That Changes Itself: Stories of Personal Triumph from the Frontiers of Brain Science."

We learn that our thoughts can switch our genes on and off, altering our brain anatomy. We learn how people of average intelligence can, with brain exercises, improve their cognition and perception, develop muscle strength, or learn to play a musical instrument — simply by imagining doing so.

Using these marvelous stories to probe mysteries of the body, emotion, love, sex, culture, and education, Dr. Doidge has written an immensely moving, inspiring book that will permanently alter the way we look at our brains, human nature, and human potential.

About the Author Norman Doidge, M. He is a native of Toronto. Industry Reviews 'In the intrepid tradition of Oliver Sacks, Norman Doidge embarks on a fantastic voyage through the labyrinth of the human brain. It satisfies, in equal measure, the mind and the heart. Doidge is able to explain current research in neuroscience with clarity and thoroughness.

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He presents the ordeals of the patients about whom he writes - people born with parts of their brains missing, people with learning disabilities, people recovering from strokes - with grace and vividness. In the best medical narratives - and the works of Doidge Oliver Sacks is a master at this And now there is Norman Doidge To benefit from a concept, one must first grasp it, and that is what makes The Brain That Changes Itself such a terrific book.

Pickersgill attended to this theme through further close readings of the transcripts, followed by manual coding of the material and its organisation into coherent sub-themes using Microsoft Word which are indicated in the rest of this paper through the sub-headings, and which form the basis for the manuscript. During this process, the transcripts as a whole were continually referred back to, as a means of ensuring that the data and analysis presented here remained grounded in the particular context of the focus groups.

This open analytic style thus involves reciprocal relating on the part of the authors between data themes, the data corpus, and wider empirical and conceptual sociological and anthropological literatures.

As such, it produces scholarship that interprets the specificities of the data collected but which cannot, of course, be regarded as producing findings that can be taken to be necessarily representative of other publics. The point, as noted above, is to produce sociological statements and conceptual claims, which can then be explored empirically by other investigators for different kinds of populations and issues.

We conclude with a summation of and reflections on the empirical data and conceptual themes explored and interrogated herein. As will come more sharply into focus as this analysis unfolds, discourses of brain changes, of cerebral development and decline, resonate in important ways with the experiential i.

This framing was most strikingly evident in the discussions between individuals suffering from the effects of conditions or events like epilepsy and stroke. These participants commonly discussed their neurological concerns from a life-course perspective, describing, for instance, the onset of dementia or seizures from a particular age, and the ways that brain function and incidences of neurological events changed over a lifetime.

Negative changes in the brain were related to and evidenced by deficiencies in subjective qualities such as behaviours, interests or skills. Thus, whilst the brain might change for the worse, it may also, in time, improve to some extent.

F1, epilepsy group 2 Yet, for some respondents, changes to the brain were absolute and wholly negative. M1, dementia group On occasion, the origins of brain development and decline were reflected upon.

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As one woman with epilepsy reflected: We moved […] seven years ago and I started having seizures. So there was some. In sum, many of our participants in patient groups employed a somatic vocabulary to frame and account for changes in their subjectivities and experience of health and illness over time. This sub-section focuses on the talk of the minority of patients — and especially this participant — who were familiar with neuroscience prior to the focus groups in order to better explore how dis interest in it can be articulated.

Some participants felt that neurobiological research that helped to clarify their own experiences of brain changes could be interesting or useful. When asked about the role of neuroscience in treatment for conditions like epilepsy, one participant responded that it should generate a far deeper and more understanding of how the brain works and functions with regard to itself and the rest of the body, and the chemical changes that take place for various reasons.

As indicated above, M2 head injury group was especially interested in neuroscientific knowledge pertaining to plasticity and a particularly vocal participant regarding this within the focus group setting.

Looked into more. In other words, science helped make sense of prior experience and provided a framework for understanding the changing body — but science was itself authorised through this experience.

Given this, hope of future improvement is very significant and, we suggest, may be part of why Doidge has been so popular.

Pickersgill: Right, in what sense? First, they can be regarded as a form of expectation management, wherein those living with long-term conditions reflexively guard themselves against optimism enjoined by therapeutic promising in order to protect themselves from possible disappointment on chronic illness and trajectories of expectations, see Bury, Second, and perhaps more pertinently, they can be understood in terms of the knowledge non-scientists may possess about the institutions of science, including the fallibility of research and the hyping of claims, particularly in popular fora cf.

Based on our data — as summarised in this sub-section and that which preceded it — we suggest that changes in the brain throughout the life-course were part of the experiential knowledge some of our participants had about their own bodies cf.

Busby et al. Cerebral changes, in both the long and short term, were understood to be generated by some other aspects of the body i.

In the next section, we continue this discussion of the changing brain through primarily data from our focus groups with different professionals. The changing brain in professional practice The interest of brain science to professionals The interest in, and explanatory and legitimatory function of, scientific ideas around the changing brain that was evident within the narratives of some patients was also apparent in the focus groups with professionals.

F1, foster care professionals group Another discussed lectures and workshops she had been to in this area, framing these as events that had furthered her interest in the brain and, indeed, stimulated her to accept our invitation to join a focus group.

For example, F1 foster care professionals group found the courses she attended valuable in that the neuroscientific content kind of explained it [her professional experiences] a bit better. F2, foster care professionals group Counsellors too noted the potential utility of neuroscience in enhancing their practice through its empirical claims regarding the negative changes to the brain that might result from traumatic experiences.

As one participant described: [T]he main thing for me really, in the work that I do, is the stuff around trauma and how you know the pathways get broken and […] how you can kind of re-forge those links and re-process trauma and get it put into the right part of the brain. F3, counsellors group Research on the changing brain was also judged to be important in that it buttressed the epistemological claims of these professionals against those who might question their expertise.

Attachment theory, which has origins in psychoanalysis and developmental psychology, is a key example of this: The way that [the foster care organisation] […] is beginning to organise its post-approval training very much ties up the ideas of trauma and loss, processing and attachment ideas, so our carers are introduced in pre-approval training to, to the idea that brain development will be affected by, by trauma and loss.

M1, foster care professionals group Yet, from the focus group discussion, it was not apparent that practice per se had shifted in response to neuroscience, even if the concepts understood to structure and justify it had done. I just did what I do. Rather than having debates about neuroscience. M1 foster care professionals group The data presented in this sub-section underscores how scientific discourses concerning the changing brain become hybridised and embedded within some kinds of professional learning to help justify current theory and practice; it also suggests that neurobiological research is perhaps and only to some slight extent redirecting the concerns of foster care workers at least, in the eyes of these participants.

Dumit, Such images are encountered through meetings, training and the popular media. Neuroscientific ideas about for instance the plasticity of the brain cannot be presumed to translate unproblematically into professional praxis: they must be actively and selectively put to work, and may be reshaped in the process.

Professional scepticism As we have seen, ideas about brain changes were important to some of the professionals who participated in this research.

Yet, scepticism with regards to knowledge claims was also in evidence. This dialectic between engagement and scepticism was most apparent within discussion about education, and hence especially clear in the focus group conducted with teachers thus, that dataset is a particular focus of this sub-section.

For the teachers, the idea that the brain could change through the life-course was a serious business that they were exposed to through educational guidance and recommendations.

Yet, the principles of Brain Gym were not regarded as translating well into classroom practice. This is suggestive of both the compelling nature of ideas connected with the brain, and the degree to which these are not unique but instead merely one of many cultural enchantments that can be experimented with by social actors and then set aside.

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Want more? Advanced embedding details, examples, and help! Publication date Publisher New York: Collection inlibrary ; printdisabled ; internetarchivebooks ; toronto. Digitizing sponsor Internet Archive. Contributor Internet Archive. Language English.

Includes bibliographical references p. Psychoanalyst Doidge traveled the country to meet both the brilliant scientists championing neuroplasticity and the people whose lives they've transformed--people whose mental limitations or brain damage were seen as unalterable.When your brain is damaged, another part of the brain rewires itself and takes over the same function, making it possible for you to resume normalcy in your life.

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Super Brain. The data on which our analysis draws is deliberately diverse in order to explore some of the heterogeneity of contemporary engagements with ideas about the brain. The Ambitious City.

Psychiatrist and psychoanalyst, Norman Doidge, M. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

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